
Use your head - and shoulders - and write in Richard Grayson in the August 24 Arizona Sixth Congressional District Green Party primary.

That's the best way to get this extremist career politician Flake out of your hair.
the liberal/progressive outsider who fought and beat the AZ Green Party bosses to stay on the ballot
The provocative insider Republican blog Seeing Red AZ reports that term-limited State Rep. Russell Pearce (R-National Alliance) has abandoned his exploration of a candidacy in the primary against U.S. Rep. Jeff Flake in Arizona's Sixth Congressional District. This anti-government activist, of course, will be running for a different public office rather than moving to honest work in the private sector that right-wingers adore.
So right now nothing stands between Jeff Flake and yet another term of do-nothing showboating on behalf of his extreme laissez-faire anti-middle-class philosophy but me.
Scary, huh?
But there are rumors that things might change soon. Stay tuned.
Although I revere the United States Constitution, I am far from being an expert on it. I managed to get only a B+ in Prof. Fletcher Baldwin's Constitutional Law I class in the spring of 1992 at the University of Florida College of Law although I did somehow get an A in both Prof. Charles Collier's Constitutional Law II class that summer and in Prof. Baldwin's Civil & Political Liberties class that fall.
I did just a little work involving constitutional issues as a staff attorney in social policy at UF's Center for Governmental Responsibility and spent only one year as a visiting professor in legal studies at Nova Southeastern University, where I taught just two undergraduate sections each of Constitutional History I, Constitutional History II and Political & Civil Rights.
And while I did supervise teaching assistants in Constitutional Law for three years at Nova Southeastern's Shepard Broad Law Center, I admit that my knowledge of the Constitutional might not match that of the ghetto-fabulous Russell Pearce, who is, after all, a member of the Arizona House of Representatives and presumed candidate for the same seat in the U.S. House of Representatives for which I am running.
But I would respectfully suggest to Russell Pearce that he take a look at the first sentence of Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment:All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.
The Civil Rights Act of 1866 had declared that all persons born in the United States were citizens, but the Fourteenth Amendment, ratified a couple of years later, enshrined that in our Constitution.
In U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649 (1898), the Supreme Court held that under the Fourteenth Amendment, a child born in the United States of parents of foreign descent who are not employed in any diplomatic or official capacity under a foreign power, and are not members of foreign forces in hostile occupation of United States territory, becomes a citizen of the United States at the time of birth.
According to the Wong Kim Ark decision, the citizenship clause of the Fourteenth Amendment had to be interpreted in light of English common law tradition that had excluded from citizenship at birth only two classes of people: children born to foreign diplomats and children born to enemy forces engaged in hostile occupation of the country's territory. Since Mr. Wong, who was born in the U.S. to parents who were not citizens -- and who never could become U.S. citizens due to the racist Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 -- didn't fit in these two categories, he was a U.S. citizen.
U.S. citizenship law since Wong Kim Ark has acknowledged both jus soli (citizenship through place of birth) and jus sanguinis (citizenship inherited from parents). While the Supreme Court has never explicitly ruled on whether children born in the United States to undocumented (so-called "illegal") immigrant parents are entitled to birthright citizenship via the Fourteenth Amendment, it has generally been assumed that they are.
In some cases the Court has implicitly assumed, or suggested in dicta, that such children are entitled to birthright citizenship.
In Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (1982), the court stated in dicta that illegal immigrants are "within the jurisdiction" of the states in which they reside, and added in a footnote that "no plausible distinction with respect to Fourteenth Amendment 'jurisdiction' can be drawn between resident aliens whose entry into the United States was lawful, and resident aliens whose entry was unlawful."
And in INS v. Rios-Pineda 471 U.S. 444 (1985), the Court referred to a child born to deportable aliens as "a citizen of this country."
This leads me to respectfully suggest to Arizona Rep. Russell Pearce (R-National Alliance) that his bill to take away citizenship from children born in this country, like the proposed Arizona referendum to accomplish the same thing, is patently unconstitional.
I further respectfully suggest that when Russell Pearce claims that the Fourteenth Amendment "has nothing to do with aliens," he is full of shit.
Dear Readers,
So there’s a psychopathic Green Party guy masquerading as a legitimate politician named Richard Grayson. I wish I could tell you that Richard lives in Hollyweird, or in Communist Cuba, but the truth is, he’s very very close to us...
Oh, that Richard Grayson...I vigorously oppose him!
Sincerely,
Telemoonfa
P.S. Let me ask you a serious question, Richard Grayson. Why are you running for office? I think you’re crazy, and I think your party’s crazy, and I think you have no chance of winning, so I don’t know why you’re running. Why don’t you just become a Democrat and try to make the Democratic Party Greener? That’s the sensible thing to do. (Oh wait, actually the really sensible thing to do would be to become a conservative Republican.)
P.P.S. There's no way I can endorse you, Richard Grayson! You're running against Jeff Smith, and I endorse Jeff Smith!
Richard Grayson of Apache Junction has filed as a Green
for the Congressional seat currently held by Republican Jeff Flake in CD6. As no other Green candidates have yet filed for the seat, Grayson needs 221 votes
in August's primary to qualify for the general election ballot (221 is the number of sigs he would have needed to appear on the primary ballot).
The ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ policy doesn’t serve the best interests of our military and doesn’t reflect the best values of our country. Bottom line: thousands of service members have been pushed out of the U.S. military not because they were inadequate or bad soldiers, sailors, Marines or airmen but because of their sexual orientation. And that’s not what America is all about.
to carry out a pilot program for assessing the effectiveness of addressing post-deployment mental health and post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms through a therapeutic medium of assistance dog training and handling for veterans with disabilities.You know, training service dogs is believed to currently be helping to address symptoms associated with post-deployment mental health conditions in our vets, and this bill would expand these pilot programs. Service dogs are already helping our vets with physical disabilities, of course.
Able-bodied, outgoing and accustomed to working, Alexandria Wallace wants to earn a paycheck. But that requires someone to look after her 3-year-old daughter, and Ms. Wallace, a 22-year-old single mother, cannot afford child care.Family-hating Rep. Jeff Flake has never lifted a finger for Arizona's working families and never will; it's against his fanatical laissez-faire anti-government principles.
Last month, she lost her job as a hair stylist after her improvised network of baby sitters frequently failed her, forcing her to miss shifts. She qualifies for a state-run subsidized child care program. But like many other states, Arizona has slashed that program over the last year, relegating Ms. Wallace’s daughter, Alaya, to a waiting list of nearly 11,000 eligible children.
Ms. Wallace abhors the thought of going on cash assistance, a station she associates with lazy people who con the system. Yet this has become the only practical route toward child care.
So, on a recent afternoon, she waited in a crush of beleaguered people to submit the necessary paperwork. Her effort to avoid welfare through work has brought her to welfare’s door.
“It doesn’t make sense to me,” she says. “I fall back to — I can’t say ‘being a lowlife’ — but being like the typical person living off the government. That’s not what I’m trying to do. I’m trying to use this as a backbone, so I can develop my own backbone.”
As the American social safety net absorbs its greatest challenge since the Great Depression, state budget cuts are weakening crucial components. Subsidized child care — financed by federal and state governments — is a conspicuous example.
“We’re really reneging on a commitment and a promise that we made to families,” said Patty Siegel, executive director of the California Child Care Resource and Referral Network, an advocacy organization. “You can’t expect a family with young children to get on their feet and get jobs without child care.”
Here in Tucson — a city of roughly 500,000 people, sprawling across a parched valley dotted by cactus — Jamie Smith, a 23-year-old single mother, once had subsidized child care. That enabled her to work at Target, where she earned about $8 an hour. She paid $1.50 a day for her 3-year-old daughter, Wren, to stay at a child care center. The state picked up the rest.
She was aiming to resume college and then find a higher-paying job. But in December, she missed by a day the deadline to extend her subsidy. When she went to the state Department of Economic Security to submit new paperwork, she learned that all new applicants were landing on a waiting list.
Ms. Smith sought help from Wren’s father to look after their daughter. But he had his own job delivering pizza, limiting his availability.
“Some days, I’d just have to call in sick,” she said.
By March, she had missed so many days that Target put her on a leave of absence, telling her to come back after securing stable child care, she said.
Without the state program, she sees no viable options.
She, too, is contemplating going on welfare.
“It’s a blow to my own self-image and self-worth as a person who can take care of myself,” she says. “I’m totally able, physically and intellectually, to continue working. But I can’t work without child care, and I can’t afford child care without work" . . .
At least nine states, including Illinois and Indiana, used increased federal aid through the stimulus package to begin offering child care support to parents looking for work. Thus they expanded the case loads of such programs or lengthened the duration of the benefits, according to data compiled by the National Women’s Law Center, an advocacy group in Washington.
But at least nine other states, including Arizona, Michigan, Massachusetts and North Carolina, have cut access to subsidized child care programs or the amounts they pay. . .
In Arizona last year, stimulus funds prevented budget cuts that would have eliminated care for 15,000 eligible children. But as the budget crisis has ground on, the state has added names of eligible children to the wait list, a term that social service agencies deride as a euphemism.
“It’s really a turn-away list,” says Bruce Liggett, executive director of the Arizona Child Care Association, a Phoenix-based advocacy group. “The program has been shut down.”
For Mr. Liggett, this amounts to a bitter turn. In the mid-1990s, he was a deputy director of the Arizona Department of Economic Security, where he helped put in place the new welfare-to-work program.
“We’ve seen devastating cuts,” he says. “For those families working to stay off welfare, we’re denying help. Welfare reform in Arizona is certainly a broken promise."
In the wake of the new Arizona law allowing the police to detain people they suspect of entering the country illegally, young people are largely displaying vehement opposition — leading protests on Monday at Senator John McCain’s offices in Tucson, and at the game here between the Florida Marlins and the Arizona Diamondbacks.
Meanwhile, baby boomers, despite a youth of “live and let live,” are siding with older Americans and supporting the Arizona law.
This emerging divide has appeared in a handful of surveys taken since the measure was signed into law, including a New York Times/CBS News poll this month that found that Americans 45 and older were more likely than the young to say the Arizona law was “about right” (as opposed to “going too far” or “not far enough”). Boomers were also more likely to say that “no newcomers” should be allowed to enter the country while more young people favored a “welcome all” approach. . .
The generation gap is especially pronounced in formerly fast-growing states like Arizona and Florida, where retirees and new immigrants have flocked — one group for sun, the other for work.
In a new report based on census figures titled “The State of Metropolitan America,” Mr. Frey found that Arizona has the largest “cultural generation gap,” as he calls it, between older Americans who are largely white (83 percent in Arizona’s case) and children under 18 who are increasingly members of minorities (57 percent in Arizona’s case).